Proof of Preservation 2;

The bp and gm are the only plots/sites never to have been exploited in Mecca

In the period from 1ah to the present 14??, virtually every square foot of developable land in

Mecca has been repeatedly exploited, developed, demolished, re-developed, had change of use to

residential or commercial, or its history eradicated - apart from 2 sites: the gm and the bp. These

are the only plots in the whole of Mecca, during this entire 1500 year period, that have been saved

from exploitation. The gm is the oldest site in mecca; while the bp original structure makes it the

second oldest site in the city. Both sites have been left alone to continue performing their original

roles.

For ??% of its existence, the bp site was been under state control. In this article, we investigate

the state‟s policies towards the bp site. By comparing the way the state treated the bp versus their

treatment of other buildings in the city, of the same era, we are able to guage whether or not the

authorities sought to preserve the bp site. In this article, we demonstrate that the bp, like the gm,

was treated wholly differently to every other site in Mecca. The fact that it has been saved from

development or eradication for 15 centuries, is no accident. It is incontrovertible proof of a

deliberate policy of preserviation by successive caliphs and governments.

Minority View: The bp was not preserved

The view of the majority of muslims (majority view) is that there is not only abundant evidence

of the bp having been preserved over the centuries, but also of it being regularly visited and

valued by Meccan leaders, residents and religious pilgrims[[link to other section]]. It has been

consistently used for religious ceremonies by Meccan authorities, and had its enhancement and

safeguarding directed by the caliphs themselves.

However, in the 1990s a small number of Muslim scholars claimed that the Islamic heritage sites

in Mecca or medina were never preserved (minority view). They asserted - in spite of the

evidence from historians, jurists, Meccan scholars and residents, and pilgrims - that the bp was

not preserved; not protected by prohibitions on its disposal or restrictions on its use [[are they

right]]; held no religious value; was not ascribed any cultural significance; was not visited out of

respect by the caliphs and Meccan leaders; and, in fact, was left neglected and allowed to decay.

In sum, they claim the bp was not treated any differently to / the same as any other abandoned site

in mecca.

The Contreversal Opinion

#CHECK ALIFTA FATWA ON MONUMENTS

One most prominent proponents of the minority view was the former Grand Mufti of Saudi

Arabia, Abdul Aziz Ibn Abdullah Bin Baz [1910-99]. He issued a fatwa (religious ruling)

against participants in Muslim pilgrimages to Mecca visiting places traditionally seen as

appropriate for visitation during the trip to sa:

It stated, "It is impermissible to exaggerate the importance of historical sites and buildings,

because this might lead to [polytheism]. The laypeople may be tempted to believe that such

places are blessed, and be driven to commit acts of disbelief. . . . It is, therefore, obligatory

to neglect and abandon such a deed and to warn against it."

While giving due respect to Ibn Baz and his views on the matter, the ulema in virtually every

other muslim country disagreed with this fatwa. The ruling disregarded the legal opinions of

Islam‟s greatest scholars, including other Saudi scholars, who approved and encouraged

preservation. It also cast aside the 1400 years of experience earned by Muslim governments and

the ulema through their management of Islamic heritage sites, which found no evidence that the

preservation of, or visitation to, heritage sites led to polytheism and acts of disbelief amongst

Muslim visitors to these sites. Perhaps this is why, almost all Muslim governments have enacted

legislation to protect heritage sites, as well as initiated efforts to publicise them internationally to

boost tourism. The promotion of Islamic heritage sites has also not met with opposition from the

Ulema in these countries, and indeed, is seen by them as a positive step that can not only benefit

national finances, but perhaps also contribute to increasing the religiosity of visitors and the local

population alike.

The results of non-preservation on the bp

With respect to the bp, if the minority claim was correct, then, without preservation - and

considering the building techniques used for the bps construction, as well as the fate of every

other building of the era - four outcomes would be expected;

- The bp should have fallen by 300 ah at the latest. Fn2

- The bp site should have been redeveloped into profitable residential or commercial use quickly

thereafter as has happened to the plots next it.

- The memory of the bp site and it‟s location should have been forgotten within a generation - as

has happened with every other Islamic site in sa.

- The issue would have been long forgotten and there would be no widespread public or

scholarly interest in it todayNew Paragraph

None of the above has happened: there is no evidence that the bp site has ever been developed for

profit Fn1; its significance has remained intact throughout its 1500 year history; it continues to be

confirmed by Islamic scholars as the birth site of the Prophet saw; and there is worldwide

Muslim consensus that it must continue to be preserved.

Footnote.2:Surveys conducted by sami in 198? identified some of the oldest houses in Mecca to be in the

Süq al-Layl and al-Suq a1-Saghir districts. These buildings were approximately of 300 years old and in a

poor state of repair. They were eventually demolished, either because they were beyond rehabilitation or

they could not be re-purposed effectively for alternative modern uses. Thus, if the more advanced building

techniques of the 1700s could not deliver houses that had a useful life beyond 300 years, then we can

safely extrapolate, that the 6th century stone and wood buildings were unlikely to survive any longer.

Footnote 1: Put footnote to say bp used as house in ah..say after the Prophet moved out of the bp site and

into the house of…, the bp site stayed within the family and was… it briefly left the fold when t was

acquired by a devout Muslim…then brought back into the fold and turned into a mosque and venerated bp

site..whom did not developit or rent it out but treate it with honoured it by including it into his house…not

sold to the public butto developers but to…the deputy of and the brother of .. Who treated it respect by

joining it to his own residence

1500 years is ample time to forget an inconsequential site...

The events it witnessed, the meanings it held, [the] its form, and its location.                        So why has this not happened to the birthplace?

Why has the Muslim world continued to keep the bp site alive?

Upon further examination, it became apparent that the minority view was based, not on tangible

evidence, but on the personal beliefs of its proponents. It was not able to offer any meaningful

substantiation of its position, nor a rebuttal to the majority view„s evidence. The minority group‟s

position was made even more untenable when it was considered that the sources which would

have been expected to vindicate its stance- the leaders, scholars, and citizens of Mecca - all

tended to confirm the contrary view: that the bp had been preserved by design.

The refutation of the minority view has brought to the fore the curious absence of development in

the bp site‟s long history. This is not only unusual for such a dynamic city, but an exploration of

the reasons behind it, may settle the controversy over whether or not the bp was preserved [[by

the state.]]

[[WORD CHOICE: give credence .. Confirm… prove… the preservation of the site../ points

to intentional preservation of the site….only serves to add weight to argument ]]

Why wasn't the bp developed for profit?

Profit Potential for 1400 years

If the bp really was considered insignificant by the Muslim world and left derelict, then why has

not one person taken advantage of its substantial profit potential during these 1500 years?

The land on which the bp site sits has always been considered prime real estate due to its

proximity to the gm. The views of Meccan residents and pilgrims in the 1st century, in relation to

accommodation around the gm, were no different to today„s views: the closer the accommodation

is to the gm, the higher its rental and sale values. The monetary value of that land today, and

throughout the past 1500 years, has remained consistently so high, relative to the rest of Mecca,

that if the bp site was really a non-preserved, abandoned property, then it should not exist today:

it would have been developed for profit centuries ago - as has happened to the plots adjacent to it,

on all four sides.

Market conditions favoured development of the bp site

If the bp site was just an ordinary derelict site, then there should have been no obstacles for any

one to acquire the site and develop it. Whilst on the one hand, for 14 of the 15 centuries of Islam

in Mecca, there were no restrictions on owning or developing property in Mecca; on the other, the

bp site was well publicised and known to large numbers of Meccan residents and pilgrims:

--No regulations on ownership or development

From 6th to 20th century, the Meccan property market remained virtually free of all hindrance, A

citizen or visitor could acquire any available plot, and develop any type of residential or

commercial premises on it - anywhere in the city. Whereas, today, city planning regulations

control urban development, for most of Mecca‟s history, the absence of such controls meant that

a piece of land could be used for almost any purpose without regard to the effects on

neighbouring properties, the street scene, or public squares. Even customary restrictions, against

encroachment on the road network, for example, could be circumvented with some legal

ingenuity.

--No controls on Immigration and Foreign Investment in Mecca

Government regulations on who could settle, operate a business, or invest in Meccan real estate

were only introduced in the 20th century. For the previous 1400 years, any indigenous or

foreign-born Muslim could reside in Mecca , buy property or establish a commercial enterprise.

--No religious injunction prohibiting a sale

If the bp site held no religious value, then Mecca‟s religious authorities would have had no

objection to the discarded site being sold and put to better use.

--No Legal protection of historic areas Savebp19 --on last page TO PUT OR NOT????

There were no written laws or regulations protecting historic sites in Arabia until The Jeddah

Protection Law (1981) which designated the whole historic core of Jeddah a preservation zone

protected by law. Heritage sites in the rest of Saudi Arabia only received formal protection in

2014 or 15 with The Antiquity and Museums Law.

In the absence of legislation, the only other basis for prohibiting the [sale or] development of the

bp site, would have been if religious authorities, public pressure, or Islamic law compelled the

caliph or government to protect the site. But if the site had no religious merit, then there would

have been no demand for such protection. DOES THIS SUPPORT MINORITY VIEW??

--The bps location was well known

Accounts from historians, scholars, pilgrims, and Meccan residents confirm that the location of

the bp was extensively known. It has also always been widely promoted to umrah and hajj

pilgrims as a part of the ziarat (???), …..

--Adjacent plots developed

The precedent for development in the section of the Suq al-lail district containing the bp site, was

set in the 1st century of Islam / 6th century ad with the growth in the Meccan Muslim population..

Plots of land adjacent to all four sides of the bp, have been sold and developed for great profit

ever since, and many times over. Developers of residential, rental, and commercial premises have

continued till today, seeking land and properties in the very area of the bp site.

--Desirable location

The setting of the bp site was in a highly sought after position, being extremely close to the gm. It

would have been of great interest to home builders as well as landlords seeking to build rental

properties.

--Multi-use site

The bp was situated close to the business district within suq al-lail. This meant that as well as

residential use, the site could also be used for commercial purposes, and would have appealed to

business operators seeking to profit from the large numbers of pilgrims visiting the area, as well

as local residents.

SEE BURKHART IF COMMERCIAL SHOP NEXT DOOR OR NEXT TO NEXT DOOR

HOUSE,,

With conditions in central Mecca having continually been conducive to development, we

can presume, with some confidence, that if the bp site had ever been made available for

development, in most of the 14?? years of its existence, then it would have [sold and] been

developed fairly swiftly.

Why were there no takers?

After the possession of the bp site left the Prophet saw 622ad, the Prophet‟s saw cousin Aqil bin Abi Talib, 670-680ad and the Prophet‟s neighbour, Muhammad bin Yusuf al-Thaqafi 798ad??, it lay with the state for 1100 years, until 1951, when King Abdul-Aziz gifted it to Shaykh Abbas bin Yusuf al-Kattan so that the latter could proceed with his plan of preserving the bp structure by building the Mak library on raised foundations over the bp house. During the state‟s control of the bp site, it was neither inhabited, nor converted to an alternative use, apart from a Birthplace-mosque combination by...fn - nor sold. The majority muslims contend that this is evidence of state protection of bp site apart from 2 wahabi periods where they prohibited access to the site for reasons... check periods... 

The two competing reasons cited to explain why the bp site was not sold or exploited - they are mutually exclusive - are:

(i) The state disallowed a sale.

(ii) Lack of demand from Mecca‟s property market. 

1) The state disallowed a sale

The muslim majority believes that the state prevented a change to the status quo of the bp site, in order to ensure its preservation. An evaluation of the key features of the state‟s stewardship also points in this direction:

--The state took ownership of the bp site.

Why did the state feel the need to take custody of a supposedly insignificant site, when so many other abandoned sites were ignored? The reasons could either be related to its belief that the site was an asset and therefore deserved safeguarding:

(i) The site was judged to hold some type of value significance;

(ii) To allow public access to the site;

(iii) To ensure the site was preserved according to state standards; 

Or that it either it felt the site had no religious value, or its existence and visitation to the site was not in the public good, in which case the site warranted isolation, eradication or disposal: (i) It was assessed that the revenue from its sale or rental would be more beneficial then maintaining the site as it was; (ii To deny public access to the site because it was a cause of dislike behaviour by visitors; (iii) To use or sell the site for a use deemed to be of higher priority (housing or commercial) than the current use. The true purpose in taking ownership of the bp site can gauged from what the state prohibited and condoned in relation to the site:

--No other use of the site recorded. If the site was seen as serving no productive function, then it would have been expected to either be commandeered for the authorities‟ own use or permitted to house accommodation or business premises. However, preference was given to the existing use, and no re-purpose or disposal took place.

--No profiteering.The sale of a prime site such as the bp would have benefited Mecca‟s treasury considerably. However, the state did not attempt to take financial advantage of the site either through rental or sale. The only time that the state transferred the site‟s ownership was to kattan, and this was as a gift. 

--Control surrendered for better preservation. When the state did eventually relinquish control of the bp site, it was only to what they perceived as a credible and better option for its preservation (the Mak library).

- Public allowed full access to the site. No attempt was made to deny access, impose restrictions, or eradicate the structure. In fact, the public had substantially greater access to the bp site under state control than during the previous private ownership.

-The bps religious significance was amplified. The bps status and prominence was enhanced when it was consecrated as a mosque at the start of state control, and by its hosting religious ceremonies attended by both the residents and meccan leaders.

The state‟s attitude towards the bp site was consistent with the view that it was of sufficient value to be preserved, and retaining ownership was crucial to controlling the preservation effort.

2. Lack of demand from Mecca‟s property market

The muslim minority view cites this as the reason for the absence of a sale of the bp site. Their claim is that the state did not prohibit or impose restrictions on the sale or use of the site, but rather that market forces in mecca continually downplayed the value of the site. The implications of this view are that:

- Whereas properties all over Mecca, including next door to the bp, were consistently able to find homemakers and tenants to utilize them, the bp, despite its proximity to the gm, could find no one to live in it during the entire 1100 year period.

- While other plots were able to find buyers each time they were put up for sale, and over the course of 1100 years they were sold and re-sold many times over, the bp site could not find a single buyer in that all time.

This „lack of demand‟ view is difficult to reconcile with the well publicised clamour demand for land and accommodation in Mecca and the continual shortages reported- particularly around the location of the bp site, close to the gm. If we set aside the certainty that the bp enjoyed prime land status, then even as a sub-prime plot with lesser attributes - perhaps comparable in grade to the lower rated, abnormally shaped, leftover pieces found in heavily congested blocks - there was still a proven market for such parcels of land. Mecca‟s real estate market would have been expected to generate multiple buyers for the site over the years, and for a whole range of uses. Yet it claimed that it never did and this seems highly improbable. Either the market did not function as it should have done, or the bp plot was never allowed to be put on sale. Assessments of market conditions and buyer behaviour actually point towards the latter position: 

---Why didn‟t land-hungry Meccans acquire / want the bp site? 

Homeseekers

Tens of thousands of meccan citizens/people have bought plots in mecca to build there homes on. Many of theses were employed in the pilgrimage sector, and so preferred to live as near as possible to their workplaces in central mecca. It is curious, then, that whilst homeseekers have acquired plots all around mecca for this purpose, including immediately around the bp, no one has chosen to purchase the bp. 

“In the earliest days of Islam, when it was still dangerous to make public display of the new faith, Muhammad and his followers were said to have met secretly in a house near the Haram that was subsequently called the House of Islam. This too Khayzuran purchased, to serve as her own residence during her stays in mecca. Tsoon the Khayzuran House became one of the city‟s famous landmarks.”  fn1

fn1: Mecca: A Literary History of the Muslim Holy Land By F. E. Peters Princeton University Press, 14 Mar 2017 p117

The shortage of land in mecca was so acute that it forced house builders to construct on odd shaped plots, in severely-congested blocks, on the periphery of the city, and even on the steep hills bordering the city, but apparently it was not so severe as to compel anyone to consider the bp site.

Landlords

Landlords have been renting accommodation in Mecca to pilgrims and city inhabitants since the 6 th century. Currently almost 80% of property around the gm is rented to tenants…or in 1971.

However, despite knowing that rental properties close to the gm - such as the bps - generate exceptionally high incomes, not one of the thousands of landlords who bought plots and built rental properties over 1500 years, ever thought of purchasing and developing the „abandoned and vacant‟ bp plot, which has been, supposedly, sitting idle next to the mosque.

Devout muslims

One would have thought that to own and reside in the house in which the Prophet saw was born would have been an extremely attractive proposition for one of the millions of devout Muslims who have chosen to reside in Mecca over the past one-and-half millenia. Many of them were already seeking plots close to the gm, to reduce the daily journey to the mosque. The bp plot would have made the trek to the gm mosque more convenient, as well as conferring on the owner the extremely rare privilege and status of living in the house of a Prophet of God. Apparently, for some unknown reason, these millions of pious muslims have not considered it feasible to live on the bp site. They have chosen to live on every other residential plot in mecca, but the bp plot.

---Why didn‟t profit-seeking visitors to Mecca obtain / want the bp?

Until the 20th century, there were no controls on immigration or foreign investment in mecca, Therefore, a muslim from any part of the world could live in mecca or invest in its real estate. One would have expected that least one visitor to Mecca, in the 1500 years of its Islamic history, would have spotted the profit potential of the bp site: 

Entrepreneurs

Mecca has attracted entrepreneurs since before the start of Islam. It was already a regional business hub/centre teeming with profit-seeking merchants and traders when the influx or muslim residents and pilgrims commenced. 

Developers

The continual expansion of the house-building, rental accommodation, and commercial property sectors shows Mecca, like most leading cities, has always attracted an abundance of property developers. Many of these came from outside Mecca, seeking to capitalize on the well publicised demand for accommodation and commercial services around the gm. 

Real estate investors

Many of the pilgrims who visited mecca owned property or were landlord‟s or property speculators in their home countries. Their stay in mecca would have provided them with first-hand knowledge of the high level of demand for accommodation in Mecca, and the profits being earned by rental-property owners in the city.

It is surprising then that, out of the tens of thousands (perhaps hundreds of thousands) of visitors who were already involved, one way or another, in the real estate sector - not one was able to recognise the financial value of the bp site and invest in it.

Why didn‟t the State use it?

Successive caliphs and governments have used land in central mecca and around the gm for administrative use. The bp s location, in the heart of central district, would have been an ideal location from which to provide government services for meccan residents, pilgrims and the business community. However, sites more remote from the gm than the bp, have been chosen to house government offices - but the bp has never been used. [[UNTIL THE WAHHABIS USED IT FOR THE FIRRST TIMDE AS HAJ OFFICE BECAUSE THEY DONT VALUE IT SACREDNESS

Sale or development was not permitted

If the bp site genuinely held no value for Islam or Mecca, then it is difficult to understand why it appears to have been singled-out and prevented from being sold or re-purposed for a different use. It is clear that some entity had to be responsible for blocking the thousands of entrepreneurs, developers, homeseekers, and others who lived in Mecca or visited the city for business or pilgrimage, from taking advantage of this site. The only body powerful enough to do this, for so long, was the state.

If not preserved - then how has the bp site managed to survive?

Quite simply, if the bp had been treated the same as other ancient sites, and not been preserved, then it should not exist today - neither physically, and nor its memory. Almost every structure in Mecca built before 1850 has been deemed unworthy of preservation, and consequently, eradicated and removed from the collective memory. According to a regional survey conducted in 1985fn1, the relative handful of buildings built before 1850 that were still surviving were no more than three centuries old. They were standing, not due to preservation efforts, but because the techniques used in their construction managed to keep them intact up till then. However, they were deteriorating, and therefore in the pipeline to be replaced with more profitable buildings, such as: higher density housing or commercial premises.

According to the 1985 survey, 96.7% of buildings in Makkah were no more than 50 years old: 54.2 per cent were less than 10 years old, 42,5 per cent were up to 50 years old. Only 3.3 per cent are over 50 years old fn2. Of the latter category, almost all were between 50 and 150 years old, with a small number - particularly in the Süq al-Layl and al-Suq a1-Saghir districts - being up to 300 years old.fn2. By 2019, most of these properties have also been demolished and the sites re-developed, leaving the bp as the oldest site in mecca, after the gm. 

Fn1+ fn2: Ministry of Municipal and Rural Affairs. Makkah Region Comprehensive Development Plans.

1985. Ibid. p: 61.

Fn2 agrawal phd 

PRINT FIG 103 HOUSE no 14&15 Shi‟b „Amir PT 346 PP369 savebp58

PRINT FIG 108 better pic of 3 of above section houses PT 357 PP380

All ancient buildings vanished

With the exception of the bp, every other building or site in mecca from the Prophet‟s saw time, has disappeared. No trace or marker remains of the buildings or personages they were associated with. Their history and meaning has vanished along with their structure. The houses and mosques built by the sahaba, the palaces and grand administrative buildings constructed by the caliphs and emirs of Mecca, the castles, hammams, caravansaries built by the wealthy and nobles of the city, have all disappeared over the centuries. They have been overtaken by the demands of the ever-increasing number of settlers and pilgrims coming to Mecca.

Mecca‟s finest properties - redeveloped

Throughout Mecca‟s history, various caliphs took considerable personal interest in the functioning and development of the city. The city received money, craftsmen, and a considerable influx of ideas from various parts of the Islamic World - especially the capitals of the caliphate: Damascus, and then, Baghdad. These new designs, materials, and techniques would later go on to influence the development of house types in Makkah. The houses of the nobility - of which there was a large number in Mecca - benefited most from the import of new architectural ideas and showcased the latest styles and technology available.

The State preserved the bp

The reason for the bp site‟s continued existence can only be, as the muslim majority assert, that the bp has been preserved. Contrary to the minority view, throughout the bp‟s history, it has been treated completely differently to every other site in mecca. The evidence put forward in chapter bears this out.

If religious authorities or the state felt that the bp site had no religious value, or that it was causing visitors to perform disliked practices, then they were able, at any time during their 1100 year control, to implement any one of a number of measures to resolve the situation:

-- Return it back to private ownership.

-- Demolish it.

-- Sell it for development to an alternative use.

-- Deny the public access to it. 

The state did not take advantage of any of these solutions. On the contrary, it did everything that would be expected of a state that was seeking to preserve the bp site:

-- Increased public access exponentially to the bp site by taking it out of private hands and into state control

-- Took charge of its management.

-- Enhanced public perception of the site‟s sacredness by consecrating it as a mosque.

-- Maintained its significance in the public eye, by using the site for religious ceremonies.

-- Encouraged both domestic and international pilgrims to visit the bp site as part of the Ziyarat - the visitation to places in

   Mecca associated with the Prophet saw, the companions, and other venerated figures in Islam.

-- Allocated funds for preservation and restorative works. -- Prohibited alternative use, sale, or development of the site.

-- Only agreed to the bp site leaving state control and going back to a form of private ownership, when satisfied that such

   ownership was: a. Managed by a figure trusted by the Saudi government to respect the high religious significance of the site.

b. Designed to continue preservation of the site

c. Able to ensure full public access to the site

d. Likely to be accepted by domestic and worldwide muslims as an appropriate option/solution for the continuing preservation of the site.

The contention that the bp site was of no interest to the state, contradicts the course of action taken by the state - which clearly points towards a policy of preventing any alteration to the status or use of the site. The only plausible explanation for impeding the sale and development of the site is that state was pursuing its preservation.

[[Every other plot of land in Mecca, apart from the gm and the bp, has been bought and developed over the centuries, many times over. It is difficult to believe, that if the bp site had genuinely been considered of no religious significance and not protected by preservation measures, that neither the meccan authorities, nor the city‟s citizens, real estate community, foreign investors, and nor the millions of the pilgrims, would not have wanted to do to the bp site what was being done all across mecca: the creation of homes, rental accommodation, and business premises.]]

Quote;

Every piece of land or property in mecca, whether possessing cultural, religious, or historical value, or none, has been replaced by sites of economic value. The bp and the gm are the only two sites in the entire city which have been saved from this fate. Why?

Reason for preservation

Value has always been the reason underlying heritage conservation. It is self-evident that no society makes an effort to conserve what it does not value. The disappearance of all other ancient sites in Mecca demonstrates that no site can survive 1500 years unless it receives deliberate and ongoing protection, sanctioned by the highest levels of government. And this assistance will only be forthcoming if the site has meaning either for the leadership, the state religion, or society in general.. The fact that the bp has continued to exist for 1500 years - both with private and governmental support - shows that the site is considered significant enough to attract/garner such continuous and prominent backing. The Muslim world must have wanted it preserved and respected, otherwise it would have not escaped the clutches of developers in/from the first century of islam, let alone for over 1400 years. Conversely, to have allowed the bp site to undergo a change of use or re-development, particularly by someone unsympathetic to the sensitivities surrounding the site, would have led to long term outrage, both domestically and internationally.

Throughout the tenure of the Rashidun, Umayyad, Abbasid and Ottoman caliphates, and the Saudi state, the bp site has been constantly assisted to withstand the ravages of time and remain intact, so that it may continue as a dignified and fitting, mark of respect, to its most notable occupant.

Quote:

Despite the considerable fiscal value of the bp site, it has been its religious value that decided its fate. The bp site has continued to be preserved and never exploited. The authorities, the city‟s residents, and the developers - all of whom were Muslim - recognised the worldwide religious significance of the site, and left it intact.

QUOTE We know from the history of heritage sites around the world, that only sites with public or private support, survive for centuries, never mind a millennium.

PUT AS A QUOTE: Over 1500 years, millions of meccan residents and pilgrims have seen or known of the bp site; tens of thousands of them would have recognised the profit potential of the bp site; and yet, we are to believe, that not one of them wanted to develop the site, in the same way as the plots all around Mecca were being developed.

Who would have bought the bp site during the previous 1500 years?

Had the bp been permitted to be sold, then buyers from any one of the following groups would have been expected to purchase it: 

Homeseekers

With Mecca being the religious and spiritual centre of Islam, it‟s not surprising that many Muslims would want to live in the city. The growing meccan economy, and the business and employment opportunities it offered, also attracted a large number of settlers. For centuries/ During the past centuries, the bp was particularly suitable for families, being not only close to the gm, but also to the shops in the Suk el-Layl and Suk el Habb (the Grain Market) - the commercial area located on the junction of the El Jowdariya and El Ghazza streets. It was also only five hundred yards away from the principal boys' school of Makkah, Madressat el Falah,situated on El Gashashiya [[street]]. While some could only afford rented accommodation, many bought plots and built their own homes/houses. [[ Eldon Rutter --- http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/940/1/940.pdf ]] 

Landlords

For Landlords seeking to let properties in mecca to pilgrims, the primary criteria for selecting a plot or property would have been the property‟s location and its market rental rate. It was well known that both pilgrims and local residents sought out accommodation near to the gm. Plots closest to the gm, have always been in greatest demand, commanded the highest rents, and had low vacancy rates. A landlord could let the bp plot all year round to local residents at relatively high rent levels, or let it only for a month to pilgrims during hajj for three or four times the normal yearly rental rate. Either way, the return on his investment would have been considerable. As the meccan economy expanded, the demand for real estate has driven rents higher and this, in turn, has translated into higher capital values. 

Property Trader

For a property trader seeking to build or renovate properties for resale, the bp would have been an extremely lucrative proposition. With demand for homes near the gm consistently remaining high, [from meccan residents, and immigrant workers has always staggering], a property trader would have been attracted to the bp site, not only on the basis of a potentially substantial profit from resale, but also in the expectation that the whole process would be far quicker than with a sub-prime site, given that the bp was in a highly sought after [premier] area, thereby releasing the property traders investment in the site sooner than in a sub-prime/lower rated site. .

The property trader would have bought the property and added value by either renovating it, or demolishing it and building a new home on the plot. If, as is alleged, that the site had been uninhabited, abandoned, neglected, and never preserved, then its state of repair would have been poor. The selling price would have been reduced to reflect its condition. A property trader with his own workforce, or connections within the building trade, would have been able carry out works on the property at below market prices, and so lowered his costs and increased his profit level. 

Developers

A developer would have taken advantage of the acute shortage of properties in the gm area, and created higher density housing on the site / o r replace a single family home with a multi-family dwelling. Within the first century of Islam multi-story properties began to be build around the gm. Noticing this trend, a developer this would have demolished the single-storey bp house, and replaced with a building of 4 or 5 storeys. Each floor would contain a separate self-contained apartment, thus enabling the site to house several families instead of one. The developer could then either to let the apartments himself or sell the block to a landlord at a significant profit. 

Investors

Many meccan citizens and pilgrims with wealth /funds to invest, but no inclination to let or develop properties, would have seen the bp site as an ideal long-term investment opportunity. The popularity of the area was not going to diminish so long as the gm existed, and this meant that demand for plots from house builders and landlord‟s would persist and continue to edge prices upwards. The site would, then, be reasonably expected to appreciate in value over the course of the investor‟s ownership. It, therefore, represented a sound investment vehicle, and one that was to/would result in a more valuable asset.

Business owners

The bp would have been attractive to owners of small industries and businesses seeking premises with high footfall. As well as being a spacious site, the bp was located in close proximity to many businesses. It was situated on Suk el-Layl “which quarter is crowded with coffee-shops and other establishments“1. It bordered the Shiab Ali (Ali‟s Ravine) district which is “closely packed with mutawwifs‟ houses”2 and where “the daily “haraj,” or auction-mart of furniture and clothing, is held.”3 The BP was also close to the Suk el Habb (the Grain Market), the commercial area located on junction of the El Jowdariya and El Ghazza streets. The shops here sold grains, foodstuffs and household items. There were also a number of blacksmiths‟ shops there. These businesses would have drawn-in into the area a steady flow of shoppers - both local residents and pilgrims - from which a business operated from the bp site would have been expected to benefit from. 

Fn;1,2,3 P128

THE HOLY CITIES OF ARABIA By ELDON RUTTER G. P. PUTNAM’S SONS, LTD.

First Published October 1928 Reprinted as 1 Vol., September 1930 

@@

https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/109047.pdf

As commercial activity in central mecca increased, it became increasingly concentrated in the area around the gm and led to the formation of several shopping zones, each dealing in specialised commodities. The grocery suq, those areas selling meat, vegetables, fruit, bread and other basic daily requirements, initially clustered in three main areas, close to Al-Haram, in Suq Al-Sagheer, Suq Al-Lail and Al Mlala. 

Each of these market centres attracted customers from its own quarter and also from. other nearby quarters. Research carried out in 1975 to determine which suq around the gm attracted the highest daily number of shoppers from four other nearby quarters, showed that Suq Al-Lail, was the third most popular suq around the gm, after Suq Al-Mlala and Suq Al-Sagheer. Suq Al-Lail catered not only for local residents but also for 17% of all respondents in the quarters and sub-quarters of Al Shamiyah, Sheib Ali, Jabal Hindi, and Al-Qararah. and Al-Shamiyah. This was in comparison to Suq Al-Mlala and Suq Al-Sagheer attracting 27% and 19%, respectively, of shoppers from other quarters. Suq Al-Lail was also a key shopping centre for a considerable number of residents from the Al-Mlabdah, Al-Jumaizah and Al-Faisaliyah quarters, due to its position on the route to the gm. Fn1

Fn1 Aspects of the Urban Geography of Makkah and Al-Madinah., Saudi Arabia

HASSAN M. ILAM B. A. M. A. Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Social Sciences for the Degree of

Doctor of Philosophy., University of Durham., November, 1979, p342 

[[PRINTED FROM PAGE PT314 or PP345 DIAGRAM OF SUQS BUSINESS]]

Alternatively, a business owner could have followed the trend that emerged in Mecca of building multi story properties, with commercial premises on the ground floor and residential accommodation on the upper floors. The residential portion would either be used by the owner himself or rented to local tenants or pilgrims.

Fn;1,2,3 P128

THE HOLY CITIES OF ARABIA By ELDON RUTTER G. P. PUTNAM’S SONS, LTD. 

First Published October 1928 Reprinted as 1 Vol., September 1930 

@@

https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/109047.pdf

Land Use in Mecca

The shortage of house building land in mecca, particularly in the centre of the city, was one of the main reasons for excessive rents and sale prices. The shortage was partly due to the mountainous topography of Mecca, which hindered expansion, and partly to the competition for land between the 4 key users of land in the city: housing, commercial districts, transport, and the gm requirements:-

----Housing for permanent inhabitants

The possibility of living close to Islam‟s holiest shrine has always been one of the primary attractions for immigrants to want to put down roots in Mecca. The resident population in Mecca grew rapidly, partly due to natural increase, and partly because of the increasing tendency of people from the surrounding areas and visiting pilgrims to live and settle down close to Holy Mosque.

In the 16th century pilgrims were actually encouraged to become Meccan cistzens. Before the Abu-Noumi II became the Sharif of Mecca (1524-1566), officials would visit pilgrims and warn them to return to their homelands after the end of the pilgrimage. Abu-Noumi II ended this practice and as a consequence, large numbers of pilgrims decided to settle in Mecca. It is believed that Abu-Noumi II ordered the change of policy in the expectation that theses pilgrims would help boost Mecca‟s economy by establishing trade ties with their homelands. 

----Temporary accomodation for pilgrims

The presence of large numbers of pilgrims in Makkah necessitated the provision of accommodation. Formerly, the pilgrimage to Makkah was difficult, the long and [sometimes] dangerous journies excluded a large proportion of Muslims from attending. However, easier access, together with the rapid increase in the total Muslim population of the world and numbers wishing to make the pilgrimage, accelerated the arrival of pilgrims in Makkah 

----Housing for workers servicing the pilgrims

Serving the pilgrims' needs for guides, food, transportation, and accommodation has always been Makkah's chief local industry. To provide these, it became necessary for a number of workers to settle-in Mecca permanently. The growing influx of pilgrims and their purchases proved a boon for Mecca‟s economy, and boosted immigration to the city as workers from around Arabia and overseas sought better paid employment in the pilgrimage and trading sectors. 

in search of better opportunities

----Commercial premises for business

Prior to the arrival Islam, Makkah was regarded as the most important commercial city in the Arabian Peninsula. Mecca had a strong economy based on trading and small industries such as metal work, armouries, hide craft, and pottery. Its location, mid-way between Syria in the north and Yemen in the South, had turned into a regional business hub. Traders from a number of countries visited city to sell all manner of products: glue and wood from Africa, leather goods and clothing from Yemen, spices from India, oil from Iraq, cereals, silk and weapons from Egypt and Syria. Under Islam, Makkah's trade and business activity increased as more regions embraced Islam. This economic prosperity attracted more immigrants to move to Mecca and seek employment or business opportunities. This also increased the requirement for commercial property.

Business-owners often either converted the ground floor of their houses into commercial premises, while residing in the upper floors, or opened a stall in one of the many street markets in mecca. At the time of the Hijra towards the end of September in 622 AD, there was no record of markets other than Ukaz for the exchange of goods. But after two and a half centuries, Al Azraqi mentioned 26 markets in Makkah. Some disappeared as a result of the expansion of the Holy Mosque at that time, while others remained.   3 [[Al-Azraqi, Akhbar Makkah (The News ofMakkah), (1988. Vol. IT p 9) (In Arabic). 3. Ibid. pp. 233-65]]

----Expansion of the gm

Several caliphs and Makkah leaders have developed the gm to address damage caused by ageing or natural disasters (floods).However, the most consist and costly development has been the enlargement of the mosque in order to deal with the overcrowding caused by increasing numbers of worshippers and pilgrims. There were ten expansions, and more than 37 restoration projects, before the Saudi state began its first expansion in 1955, followed by a second which lasted from 1986 until 1992.

Much of the land required for the extensions came from the demolition of houses built around the gm. The first expansion was carried out by Umar in 17 AH/ 638 CE. He added 1,487 sq metres to the gm by buying and demolishing houses in close vicinity to the gm. House owners were given substantial financial compensation for the value of their properties and the inconvenience of having to locate. Those owners who still did not want to sell, had their properties compulsorily purchased,

The two major enlargements by the Abbasid caliphs al-Mansur and al-Mahdi were in 137 A.H./A.D. 754 and 161 A.H./A.D. 777; and were in the scale of Makkah extremely large. 14 In this short period the area of the masjid was increased from 8,750 square metres to 30,000 square metres 15 (See Figure 39); whereas the total area of the town may have been about 346,000 square metres.16 These enlargements may, therefore, have resulted in the demolition of about 15% of the area of the town, which being the central area may have contained, say, up to 30% of the housing.

The current expansion of the gm, begun in ????, necessitated the acquisition and demolition of 17,000 fn2 homes in the period 2012-2015 alone. The land has required to service projects such as expansion of religious sites, development of hospitality districts, and construction of transportation infrastructure.

2 JLL (2015), Saudi Arabia Real Estate Market Assessment Report

The demolition of large numbers of houses with each expansion further reduced the area of developable land in Mecca. The inhabitants of the demolished properties had to relocate to other parts of the city and use up large portions of the already-scarce land stock. This put further pressure on land prices to rise.

----Improvements to the street network

The volume of traffic and transport needs, including off-street parking, created by these two activities [[haj and umrah]] alone are phenomenal. As a result, streets, highways, and parking garages are major users of land. Until the 1950s (1'76AH), land use patterns were still largely subordinate to topographical features. Streets followed the natural terrain and the tendency to build houses close together, without paying any attention to the direction and width of streets, resulted in a narrow, twisting street network. In the early period of Islam, the streets were unpaved and their earth surfaces made them more difficult to traverse during the rainy reason. While they may have been passable when traffic levels were low, the increase in their usage by the growing number of residents, pilgrims, caravans and animals coming to Mecca, put great pressure on the authorities to improve them

Over the years, various improvements were made to the street network, particularly in the areas around the gm and the commercial district. New streets were created and key existing streets were widened. The primary objectives were to separate the movement of people entering and leaving AI-Haram, and to smooth the passage of the numerous caravans passing through the city. From the 1950s, the first steps were taken to carry out major improvements to street network, [movement of traffic,] and make it capable of coping with the high levels of traffic being witnessed. This eventually saw the construction of ring roads, tunnels, and flyovers.

The upgrades to the transport network necessitated the acquisition and demolition of large numbers of properties. This further depleted the quantity of houses and house-building land in the city, and required the relocation of households affected by the demolition.

Mecca‟s Landlords

In pre-modern times, Makkah had no hotels; many Makkans provided accommodations for pilgrims during the hajj season, renting out a room, a floor or even an entire house. Therefore, when building a house, Makkans generally thought in terms of a bi-functional structure, serving as both home and hotel. 

Many of the residents who own property in Makkah are accustomed to renting out rooms in their own homes or the entire property during high seasons, which forms a significant source of local household income. 

“Lastly we may mention another important source of income which is open to almost all citizens of Mekka in the pilgrim season — the letting of lodgings. Mekka has no hotels, but, on the other hand, in the last months of the year every Meccan becomes an hotel- keeper whether he has a whole house, or only one storey or half a storey. It will now be convenient to say something about the arrangement of the houses in Mekka.”

Mekka In The Latter Part Of The Centure 19      by Hurgronje Snouck        C , Publication date 1931     P31

House layout

The design of Makkan traditional houses developed with pilgrimage in mind. The floor plans of Makkan houses were developed with a certain degree of flexibility keeping in mind the fact that accommodating pilgrims in the house should not disrupt the privacy of the family. During the pilgrimage season the family maintained a part of the house, usually the top level or the top two levels and rented the rest of the house to the pilgrims. 

The floor plans of many Makkan houses were divisible into several independent sections („uzlah, Plural „uzlat) which were separately rented to groups of pilgrims during the hajj season.The term “„uzlah” is highly specific to the city of Makkah; and does not appear to be used in the neighbouring cities of Jeddah, al-Tä'if or al-Madinah.#

In Makkah the term is applied for a room or a set of rooms that can be let (to pilgrims) as one unit. Usually the rooms on each floor can be grouped into one or two Cuzlahs. A number of pilgrims rent one cuzlah and live their for the duration of the pilgrimage season. The need for privacy and separation between each group of pilgrims means that each Cuzlah be a separate self-contained unit directly accessible from the “public” circulation space.

Multi-storey ..Height

Around the time of the Hijrah, houses around the Kaaba were one storey high. As Makkah's population began to increase, the shortage of accommodation created pressure to build multi-storey houses, and by the end of the century, houses of two, three and four stories began to appear. In later centuries, many multi-storey properties were designed with an independent dwelling unit on each floor.

In the beginning of the 7th century A.H, Yaqit al-Hamawi (d. 626 A.H./ A.D. 1228) wrote his encyclopaedic work on the description of cities. Al-Hamawi described that fn17: "Lots of houses were surrounding al-Masjid al-Harm. The construction (of houses) was from black and white stones. On the top (of buildings) there was ajar (brick), and many ajnihah made from saj wood. The buildings were of many storeys and painted clean." 

fn17. Yäqüt al-Hamawi, Mu’jam a1-Buldan, Beirut, n.d., vol. V, p. 187

In discussing the height of houses around the gm, Eldon rutter noted:

“Formerly it was considered a crime to build houses so high as to overlook the Kaaba, but at the present day most of the houses of Mekka possess that distinction. [[n. maybe leave out]] In the centre of the city they are usually three, four, or five storeys in height, being built so as to accommodate as many hajjis as possible.”

THE HOLY CITIES OF ARABIA    By ELDON RUTTER    First Published October 1928

Reprinted as 1 Vol., September 1930    p137

The introduction of concrete structures, (which gradually replaced the small traditional stone buildings with wood lattice facades), allowed greater vertical expansion and made a more efficient use of extremely scarce and expensive land in the centre of Makkah. It also allowed property owners to realise vastly increased earnings, in comparison to the old single and four or five storey buildings. As apartment blocks were introduced to the city, a large number of the old buildings began to disappear in favour of these modern multi-storey constructions with several dwelling units on each floor. Often these huge apartment blocks can accommodate an average of 50 - 100 families. 

Keep empty

Many makkan landlords have adopted a practice of leaving properties un-rented and closed for most of the year. The income derived during the short Hajj season is normally three or four times the year's rent of a normal tenant. This differential in income/the high rents paid during the pilgrimage/ has persuaded a many landlords, particularly, owners of large apartment buildings, to rent only to Hajj pilgrims and then leave the buildings unoccupied during the rest of the year. As well as generating higher revenue, this policy also involves lower costs for the landlord, in comparison with full-year renting: reduced management and maintenance required. 

“The smallest gain that a Mekkan can get out of the pilgrimage is to get back the whole rent for his dwelling place in the rent which he receives from pilgrims for a part of it. And so in Mekka the rent is taken as for a whole year whether the contract is made in the beginning or the middle of the year or even only one month before the Hajj.”

Mekka In The Latter Part Of The Centure 19 by Hurgronje Snouck    Publication date 1931    P3

“The Temple stands near the middle of the city: it is a quadrilateral building, much resembling in form, according to Pitts,* that of the Royal Exchange in London, but nearly ten times larger. It has properly no external front, the walls being connected on the outside with the adjoining houses, some of which have windows that look into the interior. These tenements belonged originally to the mosque, but the greater part of them are now the property of individuals, who let out the different apartments to the richer hajjis at very high prices.”

The history of Arabia   By   crichton, Andrew 1790-1855 (his life dates?) Publication date 1834 p183-184

Not sure if above quote relevant

Keeping large numbers of rentable properties empty for most of the year has had the general effect of exacerbating the housing shortage and raising rents. The frequent and high rent increases have has often been of concern to the authorities. In 1974, for instance, the government was moved to issue a Royal Decree requesting that rents be kept at the 1973 level with only a 5% increase permitted.

Although the total number of empty flats and unoccupied buildings are not accurately known, it has been estimated that 60% of the flats and apartment buildings5 in the centre of Makkah, are closed from one pilgrimage season to thenext. 22 SOURCE AND YEAR

Tenant subletting and shared- income

Properties that are not kept exclusively for hajj pilgrims, are rented to citizens of Makkah on long term tenancies. However, many of the owners and occupiers of these properties also attempt to benefit from hajj pilgrims.

Some homeowners rent to pilgrims by vacating their homes during hajj and living with relatives in the suburbs of Makkah.

Tenants often sublet for the pilgrimage season, and either share the home with pilgrims or move-out for the duration of the pilgrims‟ stay. In this way, tenants can receive more than their year's rent from sub-tenants.

Some landlords draw up contracts with their tenants whereby they receive part of the income derived during the Hajj sub-tenancy. Others stipulate that tenant‟s must vacate during the month of Hajj and the property is rented to pilgrims directly by the landlord..

The excessive increases in rents during hajj were the subject of a study by The Hajj Research Centre. It was found that the rise in rent declines with distance from the gm and that the rate of decline in rent increments is at the rate of 16 per cent per kilometre.

Hajj Research Centre. "Impact of Demolition on Rents of Pilgrim Housing in Makkah. " A report prepared for the Hajj Research Centre, Umm Al Qura University, Makkah, Saudi Arabia, August 1983.

Look after houses

Landlords placed particular emphasis on the exterior of their houses, seeing it as a way to advertise the quality of their accommodation. Entrances and facades were well decorated and beautified in order to attract pilgrims to rent accommodation. come and live in the house. In a sense, this was a way of advertisement or probably a sign of the social level of the owners.

“The beauty of the houses may be considered as the remains of the ancient splendour of Mecca. Every inhabitant has an interest in preserving his dwelling, to invite and excite the pilgrims to lodge with him ; because it is one of his principal resources, on account of the terms demanded, and other additional benefits.”

TRAVELS OF ALI BEY IN AFRICA AND ASIA.   Travelled to mecca 1806-1807

Travels Of Ali Bey - Vol.2 Publication date 1816.………p95

“We will now speak of the very noble city of Mecca, what it is, its state, and who governs it. The city is most beauti ful, and is very well inhabited, and contains about 6,000 families. The houses are extremely good, like our own, and there are houses worth three or four thousand ducats each.”

The Travels of Ludovico Di Varthema in Egypt, Syria, Arabia Deserta and Arabia Felix, in Persia, India, 

and Ethiopia, A.D. 1503 to 1508    ---    Published January 1, 1863, Hakluyt Society

Author; Ludovico di Varthema   -   John Winter Jones